The Bersih 2.0 9 July 2011 march drew thousands of Malaysians onto Kuala Lumpur’s streets to call for clean and fair elections. But according to Barisan Nasional (BN) leaders, the government-controlled press and the authorities, that’s not what the march was really about. In the aftermath of the Bersih march, The Nut Graph summarises some of the more popular theories by Bersih’s detractors of why it actually organised the march.

IS Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak a prime minister of reform as he’s been portrayed to be? Is he more respectful of human rights and dissenting views compared to his predecessor Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi? Is he less or more prone to strong-arm tactics? A comparison of how the government treated Bersih in 2007 and how it is treating Bersih 2.0 in 2011 gives Malaysians and the world an indication of whether things have gotten better under Najib or much worse.

Waging war against the king. In cahoots with foreign conspirators. Possible communists. Planning to overthrow the government. Illegal T-shirts. Bersih 2.0 seems to embody many evils to the authorities, who have arrested more than 100 in attempts to stop Bersih’s 9 July 2011 march. But have the authorities gone overboard in demonising the rally? What about Malaysians’ constitutional right to freedom of expression and right to peaceable assembly?

Is it caring or irresponsible of the government to maintain government subsidies? Our government seems undecided. On one hand, RON95 and diesel prices have been maintained “for the people’s sake”, despite the heavy subsidy cost. On the other hand, electricity tariffs have been raised because it would be “irresponsible” of the government to keep the people happy but make them suffer in the long-term. So, which is it?

IN the lead-up to the Sarawak elections, the prime minister and his deputy went all out to convince voters that Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud would step down after the state election because he was “ready”. But what does “after” and “ready” really mean? Is it “someday” as the deputy prime minister has stated or in “two to three years” as Taib has claimed? Clearly, vague rhetoric is useful for politicians to keep their options open especially now that the Barisan Nasional has again secured its two-thirds majority in the state assembly.

YET again, in the tussle over “Allah” and Malay-language Bibles, the Umno-led Barisan Nasional government shows how unclear it is about what it means to respect the religious rights of non-Muslims.